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Articles

Protection of sex workers
BMJ  2007;334:52-53 (13 January), doi:10.1136/bmj.39087.642801.BE

Editorials

Decriminalisation could restore public health priorities and human rights

Between 2 and 12 December 2006, the bodies of five young women—Gemma Adams, Tania Nicol, Anneli Alderton, Paula Clennell, and Annette Nicholls (aged 19-29)—were discovered near Ipswich.w1 Their involvement in street prostitution created a media controversy over whether labelling them as prostitutes was dehumanising, as well as raising questions about our duty to protect such women, and how this can be best achieved.w2 Sex workers and their families have spoken of abuse and violence, and they have added a human face to these women's lives. This has provoked an overdue debate, but the same stereotyping, prejudices, myths, and a failure to appreciate the complexity and diversity of sex work and its social contexts persist.1

Sex workers around the world continue to be murdered, including about six each year in the United Kingdom.w3 Standardised mortality rates for sex workers are six times those seen in the general population (18 for murder), the highest for any group of women. Death and violence are but part of a spectrum of physical and emotional morbidity endured.2 w4-w7

At issue are human rights and repressive legislation in the UK, thus inviting comparisons with how other countries protect sex workers. Governments and health and social services have a duty of care without discrimination.3 The UK government failed these women4 w2 w8 by ignoring their voices,w9 and those of researchers, service providers, and organisations,2 5 6 7 including the BMJ,8 9 and by promoting discriminatory laws and practices.4 9 Recent policies on prostitution (such as Paying the price)10 are disturbingly reminiscent of the Victorian Contagious Diseases Acts,11 and specialist services state that these have increased the vulnerability of sex workers.4 9

Marginalisation and the "violence of stigmatisation"w10 invite victimisation and create barriers to accessing health and social care. The UK government was warned of the consequences of its actions from many quarters, but persisted.4 9 Analysis of 150 years of failed policies in the UK requires an understanding of the barriers to implementing effective broad social policies,12 which do not fit well within the narrow remit of the Home Office.4

The moral debate on sex work is deeply divisive, often denying both a voice and the ability to make choices to the women at its centre.w10 Radicals and abolitionists believe that prostitution can be eradicated and that removing criminal proscription would institutionalise violence against women and their objectification in sexual slavery. The liberal viewpoint recognises the inevitability and legitimacy of sex work and that choices, even when constrained, are still legitimate.

Fundamentally this is the wrong debate, because the morality of prostitution is not the issue,w8 for morality is "not the law's business."13 It is state oppression, constraints of autonomy, and the resulting abuse and exploitation of marginalised women (whatever their occupation) that are the real moral issues, as those who work and care for these women know all to well.

Ethical analysis of prostitution is further obscured by links4 with other issues including people trafficking, underage sexuality, substance misuse, sexually transmitted disease, and organised crime. These issues must be uncoupled. Even if these claims of related social harm can be verified (and many are disputed4 9), prostitution does not cause these; it is prohibition that turns social issues into criminal ones.14 Prostitution requires no unique legal remedy. The harm then is to the sex workers themselves. John Stuart Mill, who campaigned for repeal of the UK's prostitution laws during the 19th century, stated that demonstration of harm (the harm principle) should be the basis of defining crime, and therefore the basis of law.15 Legal remedies are neither appropriate nor effective in enforcing moral norms or resolving social issues.6 The welfare of these women must always be our primary concern, and the first priority in harm reduction4 14 is the removal of prostitution from criminal law.12 16 w10

The use of antisocial behaviour orders by the Home Office to control prostitution has also forced women into more dangerous locations and isolated them from support services.4 This must stop,16 together with suspension of the relevant laws, to enable policing to focus on protection rather than prosecution.

Comparisons have been made with the Netherlands and Germany, but we should be cautious before transposing models between social systems. These approaches have not eradicated harm to workers, but merely shifted its focus. The Swedish model, based on abolition, which criminalises men who purchase sex rather than women who provide it, has influenced the UK government's philosophy, but this model is not grounded in reduction of harm to women,14 16 ignores the welfare of sex workers, and drives markets into more dangerous areas, as in Ipswich.

Surprisingly absent from most proposals is discussion of New Zealand's decriminalised model.w11 Decriminalisation will not completely eliminate street prostitution, which poses most dangers for women,w4 but it will enhance women's choices, and help to make the streets safer, develop community based support programmes, and improve relations between sex workers and residents.7 Policy details will need to include discussions around issues such as setting aside areas for working (managed zones)7 14 and regulation of premises. In New Zealand and parts of Australia sex work is an occupation with its own health and safety standards. Public health measures must be built on evidence based best practices. Health and social services have an ethical obligation to ensure universality of access to care, to minimise harm to all, and to be advocates for those they provide care for. Criminalisation of prostitution limits access to health and social care and contravenes United Nations' guidelines on human rights.w10 Only by moving prostitution out of the criminal justice system and focusing on public health and social care can we provide optimum support and help to break the cycle of violence.

The status quo in the UK is unacceptable moral cowardice. The prime minister has opposed reformw8 and stalled demands for the protection of women; he must show leadership and restore human rights by decriminalising all aspects of sex work now.4 12 Legal precedent exists for suspending legislation on prostitution in the 19th century and Helen Clark, New Zealand's Labour prime minister, emphasised that her country's decriminalisation in 2003 was not related to sexual morality but to a duty to place the welfare of the vulnerable and marginalised first.

Remedies for social issues surrounding prostitution lie not in legislative measures but in social determinants that limit women's choices, such as wage disparities, access to welfare, and domestic violence.14 w9 Labour politicians remind us that the morality of a society will be judged by the way it treats its most vulnerable members,17 yet UK government policies discriminate against the most disadvantaged. Gemma, Tania, Anneli, Paula, and Annette were each some mother's daughterw7 and some were mothers. Their deaths were almost inevitable.9 They deserved better, but we failed them.4 w2 w8 We will honour them best by now doing the right thing.

Michael D E Goodyear, assistant professor 1, Linda Cusick, reader in substance use2

1 Department of Medicine and Women's Centre, Dalhousie University, NS, Canada B3H 2Y9, 2 Institute for Applied Social and Health Research, University of Paisley, PA1 2BE UK

mgoodyear@dal.ca

Competing interests: LC is the academic representative on the board of the UK Network of Sex Work Projects.

References

  1. Harcourt C, Donovan B. The many faces of sex work. Sex Transm Infect 2005;81:201-6.[Abstract/Free Full Text]
  2. Peate I. Paying the price: health care and prostitution. Br J Nurs 2006;15:246-7.[Medline]
  3. Goodyear M, Lowman J, Fischer B, Green M. Prostitutes are people too. Lancet 2005;366:1264-5.[ISI][Medline]
  4. Cusick L, Berney L. Prioritising punitive responses over public health: commentary on the Home Office consultation document. Paying the price. Crit Social Policy 2005;2:596-606.
  5. Prostitutes are people too. Lancet 2005;365:1598.[Medline]
  6. Prostitution laws: health risks and hypocrisy. CMAJ 2004;171:109, 111. www.cmaj.ca/cgi/content/full/171/2/109[Free Full Text]
  7. Pitcher J, Campbell R, Hubbard P, O'Neill M, Scoular J. Living and working in areas of sex work. London: Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2006. www.jrf.org.uk/bookshop/eBooks/9781861348678.pdf
  8. Hepburn M. Prostitution: would legalisation help? BMJ 1993;307:1370-1.[ISI][Medline]
  9. Boynton P, Cusick L. Sex workers to pay the price. BMJ 2006;332:190-1.[Free Full Text]
  10. Home Office. A coordinated prostitution strategy and summary of responses to paying the price. www.homeoffice.gov.uk/documents/ProstitutionStrategy.pdf?view=Binary
  11. Roberts MJD. Feminism and the state in later Victorian England. The Historical Journal 1995;38:85-110.
  12. Pivot Legal Society. Beyond decriminalization: sex-work, human rights and a new framework for law reform. Vancouver: 2006. www.pivotlegal.org/pdfs/BeyondDecrimLongReport.pdf
  13. Wolfenden J. Crime and sin. BMJ 1960;2:140-2.[ISI][Medline]
  14. Rekert ML. Sex-work harm reduction. Lancet 2005;366:2123-34.[CrossRef][ISI][Medline]
  15. Mill JS. On liberty 1859. In: Robson JM, ed. Collected works of John Stuart Mill. Vol. VIII. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977:223.
  16. Harcourt C, Egger S, Donovan B. Sex work and the law. Sex Health. 2005;2(3):121-8.[CrossRef][Medline]
  17. Lord Lofthouse of Pontefract. House of Lords official report (Hansard). 2006 Nov 23: col 450. www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200405/ldhansrd/pdvn/lds06/text/61123-0005.htm

Rapid Responses:

 

Contributors and Sources 12 January 2007
Michael DE Goodyear,
Assistant Professor
Department of Medicine,
Linda Cusick

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Re: Contributors and Sources
 

 

We would like to thank the many people who contributed to this editorial, in particular members of the folowing;

UK Network of Sex Work Projects

English Collective of Prostitutes
Individual contributors are named in a background working paper, including all the sources used, available at:
Remembering Ipswich
This is a living document, so suggestions are welcome and will be acknowledged.

Competing interests: None declared

Sex workers make a valuable contribution to society 13 January 2007
Tuppy Owens,
Charity worker
Sexual Freedom Coalition, London N1 3QP

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Re: Sex workers make a valuable contribution to society
 

 

Thank you for your excellent article. The SFC sent an 86 page response to the Home Office Paying the Price team and didn't even get an acknowledgement. We argued the case for decriminalisation, promoting the New Zealand model. We pointed out that if this were any other business, the client's health and safety would be a priority, unlike the 11 lines the HO devoted to "users". What I want to add is that sex workers can and do provide invaluable services to clients: obese, disabled and widowed and people rejected for not being in jobs, good looking and fit. I recently brought Pru, Sex Worker of the Year in the Erotic Awards along to speak at the Different Strokes conference, making the point that no stroke survivor should be left to sit without speech or friends during years of recovery. A sex worker, master or mistress of non-verbal communication, should be part of the rehabilitation team. Pru spoke eloquently, and in the audience, Leonard Levy, responsible for NHS Stroke provision, smiled. We're a long way off combating the stigma, but between us, a little toe is in the door. Dr Tuppy Owens Sexual Freedom Coalition

Competing interests: None declared

Correction 13 January 2007
Michael DE Goodyear,
Assistant Professor
Department of Medicine, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia B3H 2Y9

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Re: Correction
 

 

The link to the Working Paper above does not seem to be working.

Please use;
Remembering Ipswich or, alternatively, locate Remembering Ipswich: The Case for Decriminalisation of Prostitution. January 2007, under Papers on the Women's Health page of my website, which includes many of the resources used.

email{at}address.com

Competing interests: None declared

Remembering Gemma and other Ipswich Victims 14 January 2007
Petra Boynton,
Lecturer in international health research
University College London

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Re: Remembering Gemma and other Ipswich Victims
 

 

The parents of Gemma Adams (one of the Ipswich victims) have set up 'Gemmas Gift'in memory of Gemma to raise funds for a local children's hospice. You can find out more and donate here: http://www.justgiving.com/gemmasgift

Competing interests: I provided feedback on previous drafts of the 'Protection of sex workers' editorial.

Liberal sexual 'realities' can also be social constructions 14 January 2007
Trevor Stammers,
Lecturer in Healthcare Ethics, St Mary's University College, Twickenham
TW1 4SX

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Re: Liberal sexual 'realities' can also be social constructions
 

 

It is disappointing that Goodyear and Cusick are so confusing in their attitude to what they term 'the moral debate on sex work'. They claim it to be divisive and yet in the next paragraph, focus on what they select as the 'real moral issues'.

A major issue, moral or otherwise, which they do not tackle is why there is such a demand for commercial sex in the UK. Indeed they merely (and mistakenly) assume the 'inevitablity ..of sex work'. However feminist writer, Laurie Shrage, points to evidence that 'our high level of sexuality is a purely cultural phenomenon and not the inevitable result of human biology.' (1)

If the social rationalization for the supposed 'inevitability' of prostitution is seen for what it is, perhaps this would help us to find more effective ways to help those involved in it, whether it is decriminalised ot not?

1. Shrage L Should feminists oppose prostitution? Ethics 1989 99 347- 61

Competing interests: None declared

Advocacy for health in sex workers 15 January 2007
Sophie E Day,
Professor Anthropology
Goldsmiths College, SE14 6NW,
Helen Ward

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Re: Advocacy for health in sex workers
 

 

We welcome the timely call for decriminalisation of sex work in the editorial by Goodyear and Cusick. The murders of sex workers in Ipswich have led to the repetition of stereotypes which only serve to dehumanise women in the industry and make them more vulnerable. We wish to highlight some further flaws in the evidence used by government and others in justification of their demonising of sex workers.

There is no evidence that 90% of UK sex workers are addicted to heroin and/or crack, or that 45% were abused as children. These data, along with numerous alternative versions in the media, are attributed to the Home Office consultation exercise, Paying the Price (2004), but we have heard nothing about the many responses that refuted these stereotypes in detail. Our research in London has followed sex workers from the mid- 1980s to 2000 and, to our knowledge, is the only study to provide evidence of the impact of prostitution on women's lives over time. We have shown that:

Drug use is widespread and problem drug use is associated with multiply disadvantaged women. Injecting drug use was uncommon in our studies (for example, 7% of women attending our project from 1998-2002 reported ever injecting drugs) and crack use declined towards the end of the 1990s. Alcohol use, however, is a condition of work in some sectors such as clubs and 'addiction' has become more common, as indeed among the rest of the UK population.

Violence is found throughout the industry. In our study, two women were murdered and both worked indoors. One murder was never resolved; the other woman was murdered by her boyfriend who then killed himself. (Ward et al. 1999) Research participants described assaults across all sectors of the industry but experiences of violence outside work, when their children were taken into care or when they suffered domestic violence, were the most harrowing. (Day and Ward 2001)

Street workers do not form a discrete workforce: they also work indoors and in jobs outside the industry. In our follow-up of sex workers to 2000, street workers had greater occupational mobility than women working in other sectors of the industry (Ward and Day 2006).

Among the women we followed to the year 2000, 37% (31/84) undertook further, higher, or vocational education which they funded through their own earnings. However, only half of these women then left the sex industry, despite the occupational choices this training had presented - and, of course, it is always assumed that sex workers would never continue their work if they had any other options.(Ward and Day 2006)

The most significant health problems reported in our studies related to stigma and criminalisation. Reports in the press and other media this week about drug-abused victims from broken families forced to expose themselves to madmen on the streets, without any reference to the laws, policies or damaging stereotypes about 'bad women' that put sex workers at risk simply exacerbate their problems. Reports about regulation elsewhere have been misleading about the possible solutions. Thus, the so-called failure of street toleration zones in The Netherlands has nothing to do with 'drug abuse': it is impossible for the great majority to work legally as they are undocumented migrants. (Day and Ward 2004) Similarly, the recent reforms in New Zealand have provided an important model since they were the first to allow women to work together indoors freelance without requiring them to raise substantial capital, acquire a license and manage the business (through which employees are commonly exploited heavily in 'legal' businesses elsewhere). Similar changes have been recommended, but not acted upon, in the UK.

It is British policy that makes sex workers vulnerable, whether outdoors or indoors. In the last ten years, these policies have become more punitive through the arbitrary use of ASBOs, street 'cleaning' purges, fines, imprisonment and deportation. We endorse calls for decriminalisation and amnesty from those who organise and work closely with prostitutes, including the International Union of Sex Workers and the English Collective of Prostitutes. These will be key measures towards stopping the violence. They will also be central to wider advocacy for health and health care. Criminalisation and stigma are associated with significant mental health problems; they make workers vulnerable to violence; they foster misinformation about the industry and workers' health needs and they also make contact with health professionals difficult. Without decriminalisation and amnesty, how are we to provide substantial sectors of the UK workforce with basic services including health promotion, screening and treatment?

References

Day S, Ward H Violence in sex work (corr.) British Medical Journal 2001; 323:230

Day S, Ward H (eds) Sex work, mobility and health in Europe. London: Kegan Paul, 2004

Home Office. Paying the Price: A consultation paper on prostitution. London: Home Office, 2004

Ward H, Day S, Weber J. Risky business: health and safety in the sex industry over a 9 year period. Sex. Transm. Inf. 1999; 75:340-343

Ward H, Day S What happens to women who sell sex? Report of a unique occupational cohort. Sex. Transm. Inf. 2006; 82: 413-417

Competing interests: HW is co-editor of the journal Sexually Transmitted Infections, BMJ Publishing.

Sex work and social benefit 15 January 2007
Michael DE Goodyear,
Assistant Professor
Department of Medicine, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia B3H 2Y9

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Re: Sex work and social benefit
 

 

Dr Owens’ letter “Sex workers make a valuable contribution to society” raises a number of important issues.

As she points out, the Home Office ignored the advice of many experts and of those who work in this area of health, which reinforces the point that this is not an appropriate policy area for that ministry. Hopefully the Liberal Democrats, who have endorsed our position, will make this point more forcefully. (1)

Furthermore the Home Office concluded that sex work has no value, which largely informed many of its recommendations. (2) Dr Teela Sanders, amongst others, has examined the role that sex workers play as therapists and educators (3). She has also demonstrated their role in the care of the disabled, as Dr Owens suggests. These skills have been recognized in other countries, leading to sex workers being hired as care workers in Germany (4), and by physicians in the UK. (5)

References

1. Clegg N. Liberal Democrats: Government must have courage to act on prostitution. 12 January 2007 http://www.libdems.org.uk/news/government-must-have-courage-to-act-on- prostitution-clegg.11685.html

2. Home Office. Regulatory Impact Assessment: A coordinated strategy for prostitution 2006. http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/documents/cons-paying-the-price/

3. Sanders T. Female sex workers as health educators with men who buy sex: utilising narratives of rationalisations. Soc Sci Med. 2006 May;62(10): 2434-44.

4. Duke K. Project retrains prostitutes as care workers for elderly people. BMJ 2006 332: 685

5. Barrett J. Personal services or dangerous liaisons: should we help patients hire prostitutes? BMJ 2004 329: 985.

Competing interests: None declared

Professional ethic of care 16 January 2007
Michael DE Goodyear,
Assistant Professor
Department of Medicine, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia B3H 2Y9

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Re: Professional ethic of care
 

 

We were contacted by a Consultant Obstetrician and Gynaecologist, asking why the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists has remained silent on this issue.

One of us (MG) had recently written a letter of support for the position of The Lancet and the Royal College of Nursing, (1) apart from this, the Colleges, Associations and other professional societies have been largely silent.

We note that The Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists’ banner reads “Setting Standards to Improve Women’s Health”. (2) Our editorial addresses the professional ethic of care and the responsibility of the health professions to advocate for those in their care. As with other public health issues we believe that the health professions should speak with a united voice on this, and follow the lead of the nurses.

References

1. Goodyear M, Lowman J, Fischer B, Green M. Prostitutes are people too. Lancet. 2005 Oct 8;366(9493):1264-5.

2. Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists. http://www.rcog.org.uk/

Competing interests: None declared

Identifying the real moral issues 16 January 2007
Michael Goodyear,
Assistant Professor
Department of Medicine, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia B3H 2Y9

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Re: Identifying the real moral issues
 

 

We welcome the opportunity to reply to Dr Stammers’ letter on the moral issues raised. We fear he has misunderstood the point of our editorial. The issues he raises are also discussed further in the working paper. (1)

Partly in the interests of space, but also as we stated, because we believed it to be the ‘wrong debate’ (2) we did not address the traditional moral debate, but merely outlined the respective positions. We do not claim the moral debate to be divisive, it is divisive, there is no debate over that, (2-6) Julia O’Connell Davidson calls it ‘both heated and bitter’. While informative, and while both arguments in the debate have some legitimacy, it is a debate that obscures the issues eloquently described by Sophie Day and Helen Ward. (7)

Ethics deals with competing values, and we believe that it is crucial to understand that addressing what are essentially social issues with criminal legislation creates a much more compelling moral problem, the dehumanising of women.

The transactions of commercial sex involve both supply and demand, which cannot be treated separately. Stammers claims we did not tackle the issue of demand. In fact we did stress the need to understand the social determinants in any analysis of sex work, in particular emphasizing inequalities, which we believe to be the thrust of his argument.

We are surprised that Stammers did not think we had considered Laurie Shrage’s work (which should also include her later book – Moral Dilemmas of Feminism, 1994). We actually cite her directly, stating that prostitution requires no unique legal remedy (p. 360). We not only considered Shrage and the sources she used such as Pateman (8) and Ericsson (9), but the article Stammers refers to is used in teaching at this university (MG).

We did not assume the inevitably of sex work, we stated that that was one of the positions in the debate. Citing one work from an extensive feminist and philosophical canon does not inform the discussion much. While Shrage’s assumptions and reasoning can be debated, her central argument is that the analysis of the morality of an act cannot be made considering that act in isolation, but only after considering the cultural context and political and social meaning, specifically how others perceive the act, whether rational or not (p. 351). In this context it underpins Public Order law, with an important exception. Both in the UK and Canada (10), a moral act can be considered indecent and hence criminal if it causes offence, but only if the intent to offend is demonstrable. In that regard, sex work fails the test.

Shrage uses familiar arguments that sex work fails to subvert patriarchy and sustains inequality (p. 359), but admits that her reasoning leads to supporting decriminalisation (p. 361). Where we differ fundamentally from her is that while we accept that women are degraded and oppressed in sex work (p. 349), it is because of the alienation imposed by the state, not merely the existence of patriarchy (p. 352), and what she refers to as our tolerance of it (p. 356). We do not tolerate it, any more than the oppressive cultural attitudes she describes, and whose inevitability, unlike her, we reject.

We stressed that decriminalisation was a necessary but not sufficient condition for fulfilling our ethical obligation to support these women. Shrage herself implies a meeting place for the proponents in the debate. Real life rarely fits neatly into simple binaries. Decriminalisation to restore human rights does not exclude the equally necessary need to address inequality and other social determinants.

Hilary Kinnell (11) makes the most compelling argument of all for the immorality of our treatment of sex workers. Throughout history we have rationalised our prejudices by alienating groups, be they defined by religious, racial, disability, occupational or caste criteria, in order to dehumanise them and reconcile actions that would otherwise be abhorrent. Thus it becomes a relatively simple step to move from what we do not like, or believe to be wrong, to believing that those involved are not truly human, and can therefore be disposed of as commodities. Such social cleansing becomes intensified if we believe that we are actually threatened, such as Home Office mythology about sex workers as reservoirs of disease (social pollution). She demonstrates that both acts and attitudes by authorities, media and the police inflame hatred against sex workers leading to increased crime against women, that is rationalised, less likely to be reported and less likely to be acted on.

We called for decriminalisation, based on the lived realities of women, because criminalisation dehumanises all of us, is ineffective and harms women, not because we support sustaining patriarchy. Criminal law is never a substitute for failure to address social ills.

References

1. Remembering Ipswich: a plea for human rights. http://myweb.dal.ca/mgoodyea/files/rememberingipswich.doc

2. Davidson JO. The rights and wrongs of prostitution. Hypatia 2002 Spring 17(2): 84-98

3. Miriam K. Stopping the traffic in women: power, agency and abolition in feminist debates over sex-trafficking. Journal of Social Philosophy 2005 Spring 36(1): 1-17

4. Sullivan B. Rethinking prostitution, in Caine B, Pringle R (eds.) Transitions: New Australian Feminisms Allen & Unwin, Sydney 1995 184- 197 http://www.atc.org.yu/data/File/Prostitucija/feminism%20and%20prostitution.pdf

5. Weitzer R. New directions in research on prostitution. Crime, Law & Social Change 2005 43: 211-235

6. O’Neill M. Prostitution and feminism: Towards a politics of feeling Polity Press, Cambridge 2001 ISBN-10: 0745612040

7. Day SE, Ward H. Advocacy for health in sex workers. Rapid Response January 15

8. Pateman C. Defending prostitution: charges against Ericsson. Ethics 1983 93: 561-65

9. Ericsson L. Charges against prostitution: an attempt at a philosophical assessment. Ethics 1980 90: 335-66

10. R v. Labaye, [2005] 3 S.C.R. 728, 2005 SCC 80

11. Kinnell H. Murder made easy: the final solution to prostitution?, in Campbell R, O’Neill M (eds.) 2006 Sex work now. Willan, Cullompton, Devon 2006 ISBN 1-84392-096-4, pp. 141-168

Competing interests: None declared

Sex Health in Australia 16 January 2007
Bianca Felix,
Medical Officer
Melbourne, Australia

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Re: Sex Health in Australia
 

 

Just a brief word about sex work and sexual health in Australia:

Each state has its own laws governing what is, and is not, legally permissible. (Generally outdoor v. indoor work)

There are OH & S standards that apply to what is legally permissible.

I worked as a medical practitioner for some time at a free, walk-in sexual health clinic that was run as part of the public health system. Many of the clientele were sex workers. (Other client groups included university students... gay men... cheating husbands... international travellers... etc.)

All pts received the same - high - standard of clinical care.

I believe such a service is essential in all communities, and reflects the fact that sexual health is an important part of life.

Competing interests: None declared

 

Original link: http://www.bmj.com/cgi/content/full/334/7584/52?ijkey=mjkq1iVzYd7AKfi&keytype=ref

 

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