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Protection of sex workers
BMJ 2007;334:52-53 (13 January),
doi:10.1136/bmj.39087.642801.BE
Editorials
Decriminalisation could restore public
health priorities and human
rights
Between 2 and 12 December 2006, the
bodies of five young women—Gemma
Adams, Tania Nicol, Anneli Alderton,
Paula Clennell, and Annette
Nicholls (aged 19-29)—were
discovered near Ipswich.w1
Their involvement in street prostitution
created a media controversy over
whether labelling them as prostitutes
was dehumanising, as well as
raising questions about our duty
to protect such women, and how
this can be best achieved.w2
Sex workers and their families have
spoken of abuse and violence,
and they have added a human face to
these women's lives. This has
provoked an overdue debate, but the same
stereotyping, prejudices,
myths, and a failure to appreciate the
complexity and diversity of
sex work and its social contexts
persist.1
Sex workers around the world continue
to be murdered, including
about six each year in the United
Kingdom.w3 Standardised
mortality rates for sex workers are six
times those seen in the
general population (18 for murder), the
highest for any group of
women. Death and violence are but part
of a spectrum of physical and
emotional morbidity endured.2
w4-w7
At issue are human rights and
repressive legislation in the
UK, thus inviting comparisons with how
other countries protect sex
workers. Governments and health and
social services have a duty
of care without discrimination.3
The UK government failed
these women4
w2 w8 by ignoring their
voices,w9 and those of
researchers, service providers, and
organisations,2
5
6
7 including
the BMJ,8
9 and by
promoting discriminatory laws
and practices.4
9 Recent
policies on prostitution
(such as Paying the price)10
are disturbingly reminiscent
of the Victorian Contagious Diseases
Acts,11
and specialist services state
that these have increased the
vulnerability of sex workers.4
9
Marginalisation and the "violence of
stigmatisation"w10 invite
victimisation and create barriers to
accessing health and social
care. The UK government was warned of
the consequences of its
actions from many quarters, but
persisted.4
9
Analysis of 150 years of failed policies
in the UK requires an
understanding of the barriers to
implementing effective broad
social policies,12
which do not fit well within
the narrow remit of the Home Office.4
The moral debate on sex work is
deeply divisive, often
denying both a voice and the ability to
make choices to the women at
its centre.w10 Radicals and
abolitionists believe that
prostitution can be eradicated and that
removing criminal
proscription would institutionalise
violence against women and
their objectification in sexual slavery.
The liberal viewpoint
recognises the inevitability and
legitimacy of sex work and
that choices, even when constrained, are
still legitimate.
Fundamentally this is the wrong
debate, because the morality
of prostitution is not the issue,w8
for morality is "not the
law's business."13
It is state oppression, constraints
of autonomy, and the resulting
abuse and exploitation of marginalised
women (whatever their occupation)
that are the real moral issues,
as those who work and care for
these women know all to well.
Ethical analysis of prostitution is
further obscured by links4
with other issues including people
trafficking, underage
sexuality, substance misuse, sexually
transmitted disease, and
organised crime. These issues must be
uncoupled. Even if these
claims of related social harm can be
verified (and many are
disputed4
9),
prostitution does not cause
these; it is prohibition that turns
social issues into criminal
ones.14
Prostitution requires no unique legal
remedy. The harm then is to
the sex workers themselves. John Stuart
Mill, who campaigned for
repeal of the UK's prostitution laws
during the 19th century,
stated that demonstration of harm (the
harm principle) should be the
basis of defining crime, and therefore
the basis of law.15
Legal remedies are neither appropriate
nor effective in enforcing
moral norms or resolving social issues.6
The welfare of these women
must always be our primary concern, and
the first priority in harm
reduction4
14 is
the removal of prostitution
from criminal law.12
16
w10
The use of antisocial behaviour
orders by the Home Office to
control prostitution has also forced
women into more dangerous
locations and isolated them from support
services.4
This must stop,16
together with suspension of the relevant
laws, to enable policing to
focus on protection rather than
prosecution.
Comparisons have been made with the
Netherlands and Germany, but
we should be cautious before transposing
models between social
systems. These approaches have not
eradicated harm to workers,
but merely shifted its focus. The
Swedish model, based on
abolition, which criminalises men who
purchase sex rather than
women who provide it, has influenced the
UK government's philosophy,
but this model is not grounded in
reduction of harm to women,14
16
ignores the welfare of sex
workers, and drives markets into more
dangerous areas, as in
Ipswich.
Surprisingly absent from most
proposals is discussion of
New Zealand's decriminalised model.w11
Decriminalisation will not
completely eliminate street
prostitution, which poses
most dangers for women,w4 but
it will enhance women's choices,
and help to make the streets
safer, develop community based
support programmes, and improve
relations between sex workers
and residents.7
Policy details will need to include
discussions around issues
such as setting aside areas for working
(managed zones)7
14 and
regulation of premises. In
New Zealand and parts of Australia sex
work is an occupation with
its own health and safety standards.
Public health measures must
be built on evidence based best
practices. Health and social
services have an ethical obligation to
ensure universality of access
to care, to minimise harm to all, and to
be advocates for those they
provide care for. Criminalisation of
prostitution limits access to
health and social care and contravenes
United Nations' guidelines on
human rights.w10 Only by
moving prostitution out of
the criminal justice system and focusing
on public health and social
care can we provide optimum support and
help to break the cycle of
violence.
The status quo in the UK is
unacceptable moral cowardice.
The prime minister has opposed reformw8
and stalled demands for the
protection of women; he must show
leadership and restore human
rights by decriminalising all aspects of
sex work now.4
12 Legal
precedent exists for
suspending legislation on prostitution
in the 19th century and Helen
Clark, New Zealand's Labour prime
minister, emphasised that her
country's decriminalisation in 2003 was
not related to sexual
morality but to a duty to place the
welfare of the vulnerable and
marginalised first.
Remedies for social issues
surrounding prostitution lie
not in legislative measures but in
social determinants that
limit women's choices, such as wage
disparities, access to welfare,
and domestic violence.14
w9 Labour politicians
remind us that the morality of a
society will be judged by the
way it treats its most vulnerable
members,17
yet UK government policies
discriminate against the most
disadvantaged. Gemma, Tania,
Anneli, Paula, and Annette were each
some mother's daughterw7 and
some were mothers. Their deaths were
almost inevitable.9
They deserved better, but we
failed them.4
w2 w8 We will honour them
best by now doing the right thing.
Michael D E Goodyear,
assistant professor 1,
Linda Cusick,
reader in substance use2
1 Department of Medicine
and Women's Centre, Dalhousie
University, NS, Canada B3H 2Y9, 2
Institute for Applied Social and Health
Research, University of Paisley, PA1 2BE
UK
Competing
interests: LC is the
academic representative on the board of
the UK Network of Sex Work
Projects.
References
- Harcourt C, Donovan B.
The many faces of sex work. Sex
Transm Infect 2005;81:201-6.[Abstract/Free Full Text]
- Peate I. Paying the
price: health care and prostitution.
Br J Nurs 2006;15:246-7.[Medline]
- Goodyear M, Lowman J,
Fischer B, Green M. Prostitutes are
people too. Lancet
2005;366:1264-5.[ISI][Medline]
- Cusick L, Berney L.
Prioritising punitive responses over
public health: commentary on the
Home Office consultation document.
Paying the price. Crit Social
Policy 2005;2:596-606.
- Prostitutes are people
too. Lancet 2005;365:1598.[Medline]
- Prostitution laws:
health risks and hypocrisy. CMAJ
2004;171:109, 111.
www.cmaj.ca/cgi/content/full/171/2/109[Free Full Text]
- Pitcher J, Campbell R,
Hubbard P, O'Neill M, Scoular J.
Living and working in areas of sex
work. London: Joseph Rowntree
Foundation, 2006.
www.jrf.org.uk/bookshop/eBooks/9781861348678.pdf
- Hepburn M.
Prostitution: would legalisation
help? BMJ 1993;307:1370-1.[ISI][Medline]
- Boynton P, Cusick L.
Sex workers to pay the price. BMJ
2006;332:190-1.[Free Full Text]
- Home Office. A
coordinated prostitution strategy
and summary of responses to paying
the price.
www.homeoffice.gov.uk/documents/ProstitutionStrategy.pdf?view=Binary
- Roberts MJD. Feminism
and the state in later Victorian
England. The Historical Journal
1995;38:85-110.
- Pivot Legal Society.
Beyond decriminalization: sex-work,
human rights and a new framework for
law reform. Vancouver: 2006.
www.pivotlegal.org/pdfs/BeyondDecrimLongReport.pdf
- Wolfenden J. Crime
and sin. BMJ 1960;2:140-2.[ISI][Medline]
- Rekert ML. Sex-work
harm reduction. Lancet
2005;366:2123-34.[CrossRef][ISI][Medline]
- Mill JS. On liberty
1859. In: Robson JM, ed. Collected
works of John Stuart Mill. Vol.
VIII. Toronto: University of Toronto
Press, 1977:223.
- Harcourt C, Egger S,
Donovan B. Sex work and the law.
Sex Health. 2005;2(3):121-8.[CrossRef][Medline]
- Lord Lofthouse of
Pontefract. House of Lords official
report (Hansard). 2006 Nov 23: col
450.
www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200405/ldhansrd/pdvn/lds06/text/61123-0005.htm
Rapid Responses:
|
Contributors and Sources |
12 January 2007 |
|
Michael DE Goodyear,
Assistant Professor
Department of Medicine,
Linda Cusick
Send response to journal:
Re: Contributors and Sources
|
We
would like to thank the many people who contributed to
this editorial, in particular members of the folowing;
UK
Network of Sex Work Projects
English Collective of Prostitutes
Individual contributors are named in a background
working paper, including all the sources used, available
at:
Remembering Ipswich
This is a living document, so suggestions are welcome
and will be acknowledged.
Competing interests: None declared |
|
Sex workers make a valuable contribution
to society |
13 January 2007 |
|
Tuppy Owens,
Charity worker
Sexual Freedom Coalition, London N1 3QP
Send response to journal:
Re: Sex workers make a valuable contribution to society
|
Thank you for your excellent article. The SFC sent an
86 page response to the Home Office Paying the Price
team and didn't even get an acknowledgement. We argued
the case for decriminalisation, promoting the New
Zealand model. We pointed out that if this were any
other business, the client's health and safety would be
a priority, unlike the 11 lines the HO devoted to
"users". What I want to add is that sex workers can and
do provide invaluable services to clients: obese,
disabled and widowed and people rejected for not being
in jobs, good looking and fit. I recently brought Pru,
Sex Worker of the Year in the Erotic Awards along to
speak at the Different Strokes conference, making the
point that no stroke survivor should be left to sit
without speech or friends during years of recovery. A
sex worker, master or mistress of non-verbal
communication, should be part of the rehabilitation
team. Pru spoke eloquently, and in the audience, Leonard
Levy, responsible for NHS Stroke provision, smiled.
We're a long way off combating the stigma, but between
us, a little toe is in the door. Dr Tuppy Owens Sexual
Freedom Coalition
Competing interests: None declared |
|
Correction |
13 January 2007 |
|
Michael DE Goodyear,
Assistant Professor
Department of Medicine, Dalhousie University,
Halifax, Nova Scotia B3H 2Y9
Send response to journal:
Re: Correction
|
The
link to the Working Paper above does not seem to be
working.
Please use;
Remembering Ipswich or, alternatively, locate
Remembering Ipswich: The Case for Decriminalisation
of Prostitution. January 2007, under Papers
on the
Women's Health page of my website, which
includes many of the resources used.
email{at}address.com
Competing interests: None declared |
|
Remembering Gemma and other Ipswich
Victims |
14 January 2007 |
|
Petra Boynton,
Lecturer in international health research
University College London
Send response to journal:
Re: Remembering Gemma and other Ipswich Victims
|
The parents of Gemma Adams (one of the Ipswich
victims) have set up 'Gemmas Gift'in memory of Gemma to
raise funds for a local children's hospice. You can find
out more and donate here: http://www.justgiving.com/gemmasgift
Competing interests: I provided feedback on previous
drafts of the 'Protection of sex workers' editorial. |
|
Liberal sexual 'realities' can also be
social constructions |
14 January 2007 |
|
Trevor Stammers,
Lecturer in Healthcare Ethics, St Mary's University
College, Twickenham
TW1 4SX
Send response to journal:
Re: Liberal sexual 'realities' can also be social
constructions
|
It is disappointing that Goodyear and Cusick are so
confusing in their attitude to what they term 'the moral
debate on sex work'. They claim it to be divisive and
yet in the next paragraph, focus on what they select as
the 'real moral issues'.
A major issue, moral or otherwise, which they do not
tackle is why there is such a demand for commercial sex
in the UK. Indeed they merely (and mistakenly) assume
the 'inevitablity ..of sex work'. However feminist
writer, Laurie Shrage, points to evidence that 'our high
level of sexuality is a purely cultural phenomenon and
not the inevitable result of human biology.' (1)
If the social rationalization for the supposed
'inevitability' of prostitution is seen for what it is,
perhaps this would help us to find more effective ways
to help those involved in it, whether it is
decriminalised ot not?
1. Shrage L Should feminists oppose prostitution?
Ethics 1989 99 347- 61
Competing interests: None declared |
|
Advocacy for health in sex workers |
15 January 2007 |
|
Sophie E Day,
Professor Anthropology
Goldsmiths College, SE14 6NW,
Helen Ward
Send response to journal:
Re: Advocacy for health in sex workers
|
We welcome the timely call for decriminalisation of
sex work in the editorial by Goodyear and Cusick. The
murders of sex workers in Ipswich have led to the
repetition of stereotypes which only serve to dehumanise
women in the industry and make them more vulnerable. We
wish to highlight some further flaws in the evidence
used by government and others in justification of their
demonising of sex workers.
There is no evidence that 90% of UK sex workers are
addicted to heroin and/or crack, or that 45% were abused
as children. These data, along with numerous alternative
versions in the media, are attributed to the Home Office
consultation exercise, Paying the Price (2004), but we
have heard nothing about the many responses that refuted
these stereotypes in detail. Our research in London has
followed sex workers from the mid- 1980s to 2000 and, to
our knowledge, is the only study to provide evidence of
the impact of prostitution on women's lives over time.
We have shown that:
Drug use is widespread and problem drug use is
associated with multiply disadvantaged women. Injecting
drug use was uncommon in our studies (for example, 7% of
women attending our project from 1998-2002 reported ever
injecting drugs) and crack use declined towards the end
of the 1990s. Alcohol use, however, is a condition of
work in some sectors such as clubs and 'addiction' has
become more common, as indeed among the rest of the UK
population.
Violence is found throughout the industry. In our
study, two women were murdered and both worked indoors.
One murder was never resolved; the other woman was
murdered by her boyfriend who then killed himself. (Ward
et al. 1999) Research participants described assaults
across all sectors of the industry but experiences of
violence outside work, when their children were taken
into care or when they suffered domestic violence, were
the most harrowing. (Day and Ward 2001)
Street workers do not form a discrete workforce: they
also work indoors and in jobs outside the industry. In
our follow-up of sex workers to 2000, street workers had
greater occupational mobility than women working in
other sectors of the industry (Ward and Day 2006).
Among the women we followed to the year 2000, 37%
(31/84) undertook further, higher, or vocational
education which they funded through their own earnings.
However, only half of these women then left the sex
industry, despite the occupational choices this training
had presented - and, of course, it is always assumed
that sex workers would never continue their work if they
had any other options.(Ward and Day 2006)
The most significant health problems reported in our
studies related to stigma and criminalisation. Reports
in the press and other media this week about drug-abused
victims from broken families forced to expose themselves
to madmen on the streets, without any reference to the
laws, policies or damaging stereotypes about 'bad women'
that put sex workers at risk simply exacerbate their
problems. Reports about regulation elsewhere have been
misleading about the possible solutions. Thus, the
so-called failure of street toleration zones in The
Netherlands has nothing to do with 'drug abuse': it is
impossible for the great majority to work legally as
they are undocumented migrants. (Day and Ward 2004)
Similarly, the recent reforms in New Zealand have
provided an important model since they were the first to
allow women to work together indoors freelance without
requiring them to raise substantial capital, acquire a
license and manage the business (through which employees
are commonly exploited heavily in 'legal' businesses
elsewhere). Similar changes have been recommended, but
not acted upon, in the UK.
It is British policy that makes sex workers
vulnerable, whether outdoors or indoors. In the last ten
years, these policies have become more punitive through
the arbitrary use of ASBOs, street 'cleaning' purges,
fines, imprisonment and deportation. We endorse calls
for decriminalisation and amnesty from those who
organise and work closely with prostitutes, including
the International Union of Sex Workers and the English
Collective of Prostitutes. These will be key measures
towards stopping the violence. They will also be central
to wider advocacy for health and health care.
Criminalisation and stigma are associated with
significant mental health problems; they make workers
vulnerable to violence; they foster misinformation about
the industry and workers' health needs and they also
make contact with health professionals difficult.
Without decriminalisation and amnesty, how are we to
provide substantial sectors of the UK workforce with
basic services including health promotion, screening and
treatment?
References
Day S, Ward H Violence in sex work (corr.) British
Medical Journal 2001; 323:230
Day S, Ward H (eds) Sex work, mobility and health in
Europe. London: Kegan Paul, 2004
Home Office. Paying the Price: A consultation paper
on prostitution. London: Home Office, 2004
Ward H, Day S, Weber J. Risky business: health and
safety in the sex industry over a 9 year period. Sex.
Transm. Inf. 1999; 75:340-343
Ward H, Day S What happens to women who sell sex?
Report of a unique occupational cohort. Sex. Transm.
Inf. 2006; 82: 413-417
Competing interests: HW is co-editor of the journal
Sexually Transmitted Infections, BMJ Publishing. |
|
Sex work and social benefit |
15 January 2007 |
|
Michael DE Goodyear,
Assistant Professor
Department of Medicine, Dalhousie University,
Halifax, Nova Scotia B3H 2Y9
Send response to journal:
Re: Sex work and social benefit
|
Dr Owens’ letter “Sex workers make a valuable
contribution to society” raises a number of important
issues.
As she points out, the Home Office ignored the advice
of many experts and of those who work in this area of
health, which reinforces the point that this is not an
appropriate policy area for that ministry. Hopefully the
Liberal Democrats, who have endorsed our position, will
make this point more forcefully. (1)
Furthermore the Home Office concluded that sex work
has no value, which largely informed many of its
recommendations. (2) Dr Teela Sanders, amongst others,
has examined the role that sex workers play as
therapists and educators (3). She has also demonstrated
their role in the care of the disabled, as Dr Owens
suggests. These skills have been recognized in other
countries, leading to sex workers being hired as care
workers in Germany (4), and by physicians in the UK. (5)
References
1. Clegg N. Liberal Democrats: Government must have
courage to act on prostitution. 12 January 2007 http://www.libdems.org.uk/news/government-must-have-courage-to-act-on-
prostitution-clegg.11685.html
2. Home Office. Regulatory Impact Assessment: A
coordinated strategy for prostitution 2006. http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/documents/cons-paying-the-price/
3. Sanders T. Female sex workers as health educators
with men who buy sex: utilising narratives of
rationalisations. Soc Sci Med. 2006 May;62(10): 2434-44.
4. Duke K. Project retrains prostitutes as care
workers for elderly people. BMJ 2006 332: 685
5. Barrett J. Personal services or dangerous
liaisons: should we help patients hire prostitutes? BMJ
2004 329: 985.
Competing interests: None declared |
|
Professional ethic of care |
16 January 2007 |
|
Michael DE Goodyear,
Assistant Professor
Department of Medicine, Dalhousie University,
Halifax, Nova Scotia B3H 2Y9
Send response to journal:
Re: Professional ethic of care
|
We were contacted by a Consultant Obstetrician and
Gynaecologist, asking why the Royal College of
Obstetricians and Gynaecologists has remained silent on
this issue.
One of us (MG) had recently written a letter of
support for the position of The Lancet and the Royal
College of Nursing, (1) apart from this, the Colleges,
Associations and other professional societies have been
largely silent.
We note that The Royal College of Obstetricians and
Gynaecologists’ banner reads “Setting Standards to
Improve Women’s Health”. (2) Our editorial addresses the
professional ethic of care and the responsibility of the
health professions to advocate for those in their care.
As with other public health issues we believe that the
health professions should speak with a united voice on
this, and follow the lead of the nurses.
References
1. Goodyear M, Lowman J, Fischer B, Green M.
Prostitutes are people too. Lancet. 2005 Oct
8;366(9493):1264-5.
2. Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists.
http://www.rcog.org.uk/
Competing interests: None declared |
|
Identifying the real moral issues |
16 January 2007 |
|
Michael Goodyear,
Assistant Professor
Department of Medicine, Dalhousie University,
Halifax, Nova Scotia B3H 2Y9
Send response to journal:
Re: Identifying the real moral issues
|
We welcome the opportunity to reply to Dr Stammers’
letter on the moral issues raised. We fear he has
misunderstood the point of our editorial. The issues he
raises are also discussed further in the working paper.
(1)
Partly in the interests of space, but also as we
stated, because we believed it to be the ‘wrong debate’
(2) we did not address the traditional moral debate, but
merely outlined the respective positions. We do not
claim the moral debate to be divisive, it is divisive,
there is no debate over that, (2-6) Julia O’Connell
Davidson calls it ‘both heated and bitter’. While
informative, and while both arguments in the debate have
some legitimacy, it is a debate that obscures the issues
eloquently described by Sophie Day and Helen Ward. (7)
Ethics deals with competing values, and we believe
that it is crucial to understand that addressing what
are essentially social issues with criminal legislation
creates a much more compelling moral problem, the
dehumanising of women.
The transactions of commercial sex involve both
supply and demand, which cannot be treated separately.
Stammers claims we did not tackle the issue of demand.
In fact we did stress the need to understand the social
determinants in any analysis of sex work, in particular
emphasizing inequalities, which we believe to be the
thrust of his argument.
We are surprised that Stammers did not think we had
considered Laurie Shrage’s work (which should also
include her later book – Moral Dilemmas of Feminism,
1994). We actually cite her directly, stating that
prostitution requires no unique legal remedy (p. 360).
We not only considered Shrage and the sources she used
such as Pateman (8) and Ericsson (9), but the article
Stammers refers to is used in teaching at this
university (MG).
We did not assume the inevitably of sex work, we
stated that that was one of the positions in the debate.
Citing one work from an extensive feminist and
philosophical canon does not inform the discussion much.
While Shrage’s assumptions and reasoning can be debated,
her central argument is that the analysis of the
morality of an act cannot be made considering that act
in isolation, but only after considering the cultural
context and political and social meaning, specifically
how others perceive the act, whether rational or not (p.
351). In this context it underpins Public Order law,
with an important exception. Both in the UK and Canada
(10), a moral act can be considered indecent and hence
criminal if it causes offence, but only if the intent to
offend is demonstrable. In that regard, sex work fails
the test.
Shrage uses familiar arguments that sex work fails to
subvert patriarchy and sustains inequality (p. 359), but
admits that her reasoning leads to supporting
decriminalisation (p. 361). Where we differ
fundamentally from her is that while we accept that
women are degraded and oppressed in sex work (p. 349),
it is because of the alienation imposed by the state,
not merely the existence of patriarchy (p. 352), and
what she refers to as our tolerance of it (p. 356). We
do not tolerate it, any more than the oppressive
cultural attitudes she describes, and whose
inevitability, unlike her, we reject.
We stressed that decriminalisation was a necessary
but not sufficient condition for fulfilling our ethical
obligation to support these women. Shrage herself
implies a meeting place for the proponents in the
debate. Real life rarely fits neatly into simple
binaries. Decriminalisation to restore human rights does
not exclude the equally necessary need to address
inequality and other social determinants.
Hilary Kinnell (11) makes the most compelling
argument of all for the immorality of our treatment of
sex workers. Throughout history we have rationalised our
prejudices by alienating groups, be they defined by
religious, racial, disability, occupational or caste
criteria, in order to dehumanise them and reconcile
actions that would otherwise be abhorrent. Thus it
becomes a relatively simple step to move from what we do
not like, or believe to be wrong, to believing that
those involved are not truly human, and can therefore be
disposed of as commodities. Such social cleansing
becomes intensified if we believe that we are actually
threatened, such as Home Office mythology about sex
workers as reservoirs of disease (social pollution). She
demonstrates that both acts and attitudes by
authorities, media and the police inflame hatred against
sex workers leading to increased crime against women,
that is rationalised, less likely to be reported and
less likely to be acted on.
We called for decriminalisation, based on the lived
realities of women, because criminalisation dehumanises
all of us, is ineffective and harms women, not because
we support sustaining patriarchy. Criminal law is never
a substitute for failure to address social ills.
References
1. Remembering Ipswich: a plea for human rights.
http://myweb.dal.ca/mgoodyea/files/rememberingipswich.doc
2. Davidson JO. The rights and wrongs of
prostitution. Hypatia 2002 Spring 17(2): 84-98
3. Miriam K. Stopping the traffic in women: power,
agency and abolition in feminist debates over
sex-trafficking. Journal of Social Philosophy 2005
Spring 36(1): 1-17
4. Sullivan B. Rethinking prostitution, in Caine B,
Pringle R (eds.) Transitions: New Australian Feminisms
Allen & Unwin, Sydney 1995 184- 197 http://www.atc.org.yu/data/File/Prostitucija/feminism%20and%20prostitution.pdf
5. Weitzer R. New directions in research on
prostitution. Crime, Law & Social Change 2005 43:
211-235
6. O’Neill M. Prostitution and feminism: Towards a
politics of feeling Polity Press, Cambridge 2001
ISBN-10: 0745612040
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Ericsson. Ethics 1983 93: 561-65
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335-66
10. R v. Labaye, [2005] 3 S.C.R. 728, 2005 SCC 80
11. Kinnell H. Murder made easy: the final solution
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1-84392-096-4, pp. 141-168
Competing interests: None declared |
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Sex Health in Australia |
16 January 2007 |
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Bianca Felix,
Medical Officer
Melbourne, Australia
Send response to journal:
Re: Sex Health in Australia
|
Just a brief word about sex work and sexual health in
Australia:
Each state has its own laws governing what is, and is
not, legally permissible. (Generally outdoor v. indoor
work)
There are OH & S standards that apply to what is
legally permissible.
I worked as a medical practitioner for some time at a
free, walk-in sexual health clinic that was run as part
of the public health system. Many of the clientele were
sex workers. (Other client groups included university
students... gay men... cheating husbands...
international travellers... etc.)
All pts received the same - high - standard of
clinical care.
I believe such a service is essential in all
communities, and reflects the fact that sexual health is
an important part of life.
Competing interests: None declared |
Original link: http://www.bmj.com/cgi/content/full/334/7584/52?ijkey=mjkq1iVzYd7AKfi&keytype=ref
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